Something is Wrong with MSNBC 😂

Published on Jul 26, 2017
Something strange is happening to MSNBC. The information they present as news is just pure fiction, or social justice warrior insanity. Have a look, and you’ll see some serious problems! Media analyst Mark Dice has the story. Copyright © 2017 – Subscribe now for more videos every day!


I sexually identify as Trump’s wall. My pronouns are Yuge, Big-League, and Ten-Feet-Higher. If you disrespect my pronouns, you’re a Transphoic bigot who needs to check their privilege.
Ja Z

Did they just say Trump has mind control ? LMFAO.
Anne Johnson

I love TRUMP.
Sheila Hill

There ya have it, folks. It should be called BSNBC
Mary Quin

Liberal media outlets like MSNBC and CNN are fake news.
Jonathan Wiskee

Talking shitheads on MSNBC.

Trump has destroyed the Rothschild/Soros media machine.. NEXT UP Trump exposes Congress and names, names of all RINO’S and traitors in the party.. 2018 will be slaughtering of all fake Republicans!
Thomas Rogers

Brent Lee

Rachel Maddow is the most masculine host on MSNBC.



“Tell me if I fucked up anything.”

Photo of Peter Hasson

Associate Editor

One year after WikiLeaks began publishing emails from the Democratic National Committee and Clinton campaign chair John Podesta that exposed prominent journalists as partisans, many of those journalists are continuing their careers without, it seems, any serious consequences.

Take Glenn Thrush, for example. Thrush, now with the New York Times, was exposed sending stories to the Clinton campaign for approval while at Politico.

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“Because I have become a hack I will send u the whole section that pertains to [you],” he wrote in an April 30, 2015 email to Podesta, including five paragraphs from a story later titled “Hillary’s big money dilemma.”

“Please don’t share or tell anyone I did this,” Thrush added. “Tell me if I fucked up anything.”

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On April 17, 2015, Thrush sent an email to Clinton communications director Jennifer Palmieri with the subject line: “pls read asap — the [Jennifer Palmieri] bits — don’t share.”

Palmieri forwarded Thrush’s email to other Clinton campaign staffers, writing: “He did me courtesy of sending what he is going to say about me. Seems fine.”

Thrush’s career doesn’t appear to have been harmed by the fact that he sent stories to Clinton staffers for approval. If anything, his career trajectory has continued upward: Thrush joined the New York Times in December as a White House correspondent.

While covering the Trump administration for the NYT, Thrush has often co-authored stories with fellow White House correspondent Maggie Haberman, whom an internal Clinton campaign memo described as a “friendly journalist.” The memo added: “We have had her tee up stories for us before and have never been disappointed.”

The leaked DNC emails also revealed CNBC editor at large John Harwood as clearly biased against Republicans — especially Trump.

Harwood repeatedly displayed clear partisanship while emailing with Podesta. In one May 2015 email, for example, Harwood warned Podesta to “watch out” for Republican presidential candidate Dr. Ben Carson.

“Ben Carson could give you real trouble in a general,” Harwood wrote, including relevant video clips of Carson on topics including gay marriage.

In December 2015, Harwood claimed “vindication” at the Republican party “veering off the rails.” In the same email, Harwood bragged to Podesta about provoking Trump during a Republican primary debate that Harwood moderated as an ostensibly neutral journalist.

Harwood titled the email, “I imagine…” before continuing in the body: “…that Obama feels some (sad) vindication at this demonstration of his years-long point about the opposition party veering off the rails.

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Harwood was referring to the October 2015 debate he moderated, where he asked Trump if he was running a “comic book version of a presidential campaign.”

Harwood has played a central role in his network’s coverage of the first six months of the Trump White House.

Harwood has — like much of the news media — covered the Russia probe with bombastic language, comparing it to the Watergate scandal that led to Richard Nixon’s resignation.

In a story last week, Harwood lay the blame for Republicans’ health care struggles at Trump’s feet.

New York Times Magazine’s chief political correspondent, Mark Leibovich, gave the Clinton campaign veto power over what parts of an interview he could and couldn’t use, WikiLeaks revealed. (Internal campaign communications described him as “sympathetic.”)

Leibovich emailed Jennifer Palmieri, the campaign’s communications director, following a July 7, 2015 interview with Hillary Clinton. Leibovich told Palmieri she could “veto what you didn’t want,” including parts of the interview that he wanted to use.

Palmieri instructed Leibovich to remove a joke Clinton made about Sarah Palin, as well as Clinton saying that “gay rights has moved much faster than women’s rights or civil rights, which is an interesting phenomenon somebody in the future will unpack.”

Leibovich complied: neither the Palin joke nor Clinton’s “gay rights” line were included in his July 15 feature titled, “Re-Re-Re-Reintroducing Hillary Clinton.”

Leibovich noted in the piece that Clinton’s campaign “at first declined to make her available for an interview.” He did not note that he gave the campaign veto power over what parts of the interview he could use.

Leibovich is still writing long-form pieces for NYT Magazine, which are often met with effusive praised from other journalists on Twitter.

His most recent piece, a July 11 feature titled, “This Town Melts Down,” explored what has and hasn’t changed about D.C. politics in the age of Trump. One thing that apparently hasn’t: the prominence of known partisans in the media.


Written by Elaina Plott | Published on July 26, 2017

If you hang around Twitter on a day when President Trump does something especially head-turning and Paul Ryan goes especially quiet, you’ll likely encounter some quip about how blissful John Boehner must be. Smoking cigars. Sipping Merlot. Mowing his lawn. The former House speaker has become a meme for a man unburdened.

There’s no such narrative around Eric Cantor, the former Republican House majority leader from Richmond who was spectacularly ousted in his 2014 primary by a no-name economics professor. “There’s no denying that he misses all of it,” says Cantor’s former deputy chief of staff, John Murray—a sentiment the ex-congressman himself confirms. When he talks to Boehner, Cantor tells me, Boehner will say something to the effect of “I am so glad I’m not there dealing with those mm-mm-mms”—those pesky Freedom Caucus members whom many in the GOP hold responsible for sparking the party’s new populist flavor and egging on the anger that led to Trump’s election. Not Cantor. “I never felt like that,” he says.

The 54-year-old now sits on several boards and is managing director of Moelis & Company, a boutique investment firm in New York. His work takes him to Davos and Dubai and Tokyo, often just about anywhere but Washington or his old district. It also pays handsomely more. But Cantor is still painstakingly abreast of what’s going on in the Capitol, texting often with members such as Kevin McCarthy, his successor, and Patrick McHenry, chief deputy whip, to offer advice and then popping up on cable news to reassure Republicans that the party is just going through “growing pains.” The day the House voted on Obamacare’s replacement, Cantor chuckled at reports that former majority leader Tom DeLay was loitering near the speaker’s lobby, cigar in hand, to monitor the vote. Yet it’s safe to say that, mentally if not physically, Cantor was there, too.

If Boehner’s current profile is accurate—the warden held hostage by his own inmates, free at last—Cantor’s is the opposite, the second-in-command consumed by his role in making the Republican Party feel like a prison to begin with. What’s strange is that for all his clear-eyed ruminations about where he helped steer the party establishment wrong, he seems to believe that doing more of the same is all it’ll take to get it back on track.


Let’s back up a moment. Remember the summer of 2013, when the “Defund Obamacare Tour” drove the news cycle all through Congress’s August recess? The town halls organized by the political arm of the Heritage Foundation enlivened the base and furthered what had been the GOP’s core message since 2010—that Obamacare was bad and, if Americans helped Republicans hold both chambers, it could be repealed.

Cantor helped create that perception. Earlier that summer—after many failed attempts over the years to shred the law piecemeal—Cantor promised colleagues that the House would vote on a “full repeal.” But even after it did, the measure was dead on arrival in the Democratic-controlled Senate. Cantor—in Congress 13 years and, fairly or unfairly, once thought to be above electoral reproach—paid the price. His 2014 avenger, now-congressman David Brat, bludgeoned him for being soft on Obamacare, among other things. But the failure to make a dent in the law landed a bigger blow on the party. After seven years of pledging they could dismantle Obamacare, if only they had control of Congress and the White House, Republicans—at last in charge of both—have faced deep divisions over a replacement.

Asked if he feels partly responsible for their current predicament, Cantor is unequivocal. “Oh,” he says, “100 percent.”

He goes further: “To give the impression that if Republicans were in control of the House and Senate, that we could do that when Obama was still in office . . . .” His voice trails off and he shakes his head. “I never believed it.”

He says he wasn’t the only one aware of the charade: “We sort of all got what was going on, that there was this disconnect in terms of communication, because no one wanted to take the time out in the general public to even think about ‘Wait a minute—that can’t happen.’ ” But, he adds, “if you’ve got that anger working for you, you’re gonna let it be.”

It’s a stunning admission from a former member of the party leadership—that the linchpin of GOP electoral strategy for the better part of a decade was a fantasy, a flame continually fanned solely because, when it came to midterm elections, it worked. (Barring, of course, his own.)

His sojourn in the private sector has helped him see that. At Moelis, Cantor lends his Rolodex and his years on the Financial Services Committee to help the bank land accounts including Saudi Aramco—expected to be the world’s largest IPO—and giving Moelis name recognition it didn’t have three years ago.

“I see how [mergers-and-acquisitions] deals work and how companies go through processes making decisions when they decide to allocate shareholder capital,” he says. “They’ve got a vision of where their next target may be . . . and most of the times it is not a hostile situation [but] an agreeable one. They’ve got to . . . realize when the time is right to then advance to the next step. There’s something about the deliberateness and the thoughtfulness involved. That’s not necessarily how politics works. It’s a lot more extreme and back and forth.”

It’s far easier to cop to political gamesmanship when out of office. But Cantor says if he could do it over again, he wouldn’t have bought into this “expectation . . . that says if it’s not everything, then it can’t be conservative.” He pauses. “That’s a perspective I’ve gained.”


Yet here’s the other shocker: despite all that, Cantor’s read of how party leadership is navigating the current landscape is nothing short of sanguine.

While he won’t go so far as to say Trump’s presidency has been a “disaster,” as Boehner recently put it, Cantor admits he’s less than charmed by the state of the West Wing: “The lack of humility right now in the system is striking to me. I’m worried about Trump’s rhetoric. . . . If things keep going like they are now without any real progress, it’s a problem for electoral victories for our party.”

But strikingly, he won’t criticize House speaker Paul Ryan or others for not demanding a new course. Cantor does say that, were he speaker, he would “answer the questions I’m asked,” a subtle dig at Ryan’s penchant for evading Trump-related questions from the podium. But that’s as pointed as he’ll get.

Why not demand more from leadership? For one thing, Cantor is convinced that the party’s current state—the fury roiling the base and the White House alike—is an aberration. He calls the moment an “anger detour,” which sounds less like a label for a larger GOP identity crisis and more like an inconvenient square in Candy Land.

His position, however, reflects that of many in the establishment—that a pro-immigration, pro-market strain of conservatism, the one Cantor championed at the end of his tenure, is still the future of the party. It’s why he helped raise funds for Jeb Bush’s presidential campaign even after his own primary defeat was seen by many to be the first sign of a populist wave to come. It’s why Cantor continues to believe that President Trump, his policies, and the discontent that wrought them are mere hiccups and that at some point they’ll all cycle out.

“It’s very captivating to a lot of people right now because of the extremes of the language, of the Twitter, of the activity, and it’s just . . . it’s really a lot about showmanship,” he says. “It could end up to all be a lot of steam that, in the end, the implementation will be a lot more consistent with what I think the party’s about.”

His logic assumes that political parties grow and change in the same way that, say, caterpillars metamorphose—organically and predictably. Perhaps in the last couple of decades, they have. But if the previous two years have reminded us of anything, it’s that parties are made up of individuals with the agency to reject the sameness prescribed by institutional monoliths and the career politicians who lead them. For the moment, those career politicians—Ryan, Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell—have been amenable to the disruption, suddenly equivocating on long-held establishment views regarding issues such as trade. Which makes Cantor’s point that much more difficult to absorb: How, exactly, can the party cycle out of something when its leaders publicly insist everything is just fine?

He doesn’t have an answer for that. “Being in a leadership position is hard,” he says. “Paul’s got a really tough challenge right now. Really, really tough.”

Cantor may be fuzzy on the details of getting there, but he knows what normality would look like. For him, it’s acknowledging that, undesirable as something in the system might be vis-à-vis, say, health care or welfare, sweeping changes can do more harm than good—an incrementalist manifestation of conservatism touted by Edmund Burke, that 18th-century British Parliament crush of modern American conservatives.

Where Cantor used to be chided as the prince of political crazes, oscillating in his pet issues depending on party mood, he’s now unequivocal that “global supply chains interconnect,” that they’re “here” and “not going away.” He says “our country is one of immigrants,” that “we don’t hold kids liable for their parents’ illegal acts.”

Never mind that these are beliefs that the most Republican primary voters in history rejected just last year. All it takes, Cantor will tell you, is for party leadership to do what it’s been doing—to keep quiet, hold its breath, and watch the party return from the anger detour.

But what if he’s wrong?

“God help us,” Cantor says. “Because how does it end?”


Published on Jul 25, 2017

There’s another “Questions for White People” video- and it’s the worst one you’ve ever seen.


Hanah Thurman 

You’re a hero James. You say everything I wish I could say. Thank you for being alive.
oliver bou 

“I hate to break it to you, but it isn’t white people who control the media” THE J E W S
Astro Gaming Network 

The only racist people here are the black people.
Mark M 

Oh goody. Let me answer for the Blacks and give the most used response by Blacks for all their problems in their community… Y’all hate us. Reparations Our Black Skin. We was Kangz. Tat waz racist. Police be racist. Stats be racist. Our Black Queenz. Racism….Racism….Racism White Privileged. Dindu Nuffin Wrung . . . And becaz SLAVERY!

Asking black person where was slavery came from Black person: THE WHITES Me: Wrong, It came from the Eastern world for example Arabic people.
I'm Just Saying 

White people are called names by hateful Blacks in every scenario: Move out = “White Flight” = “Racism” Move in = “Gentrification” = “Racism” See color = “Racism” Don’t see color = “Ignoring Racism” = “Racism” Don’t partake in culture = “Non-inclusive” = “Racism” Engages in culture = “Appropriation” = “Racism”
Steven Lopez 

Black Americans are some of the most annoying people. Actual Africans, you know, actual black people from Africa are much cooler, smarter and more cultured. I have some Nigerian and Sierra Leonean friends, some of the coolest people you’ll ever meet.

The turtle Republic: I NEVER said that only black people do that shit. Every races belittle each other, not just black and white people. Asians belittle black people and black people belittle Asians. The same goes for every single race. Hating on white people, doesn’t make you any better.

Celebrities Melt Down over Trump’s Transgender Military Policy: ‘You Just Pissed Off the Wrong Community’ ‘He will f*ck over every segment of population’

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by JEROME HUDSON . 26 Jul 2017

Hollywood stars took to social media Wednesday to express outrage over President Donald Trump’s announcement that transgender people will not be allowed to serve in the U.S. military, reversing former President Obama’s decision last year allowing them to do so.

“After consultation with my Generals and military experts, please be advised that the United States Government will not accept or allow Transgender individuals to serve in any capacity in the U.S. Military,” President Trump tweeted Wednesday morning. “Our military must be focused on decisive and overwhelming victory and cannot be burdened with the tremendous medical cost and disruption that transgender in the military would entail. Thank you.”

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The news spurred some stars to viciously attack the president, with some calling Trump a cruel bigot.

Star Trek actor and gay activist George Takei sent what appeared to be a threat to Trump, warning that he “just pissed off the wrong community” and said the president “will regret” this action.

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Takei also tweeted: “History shall record that you are not only the stupidest, most incompetent president ever, but also the cruelest and pettiest. #Shame.” The actor also issued a call to action:

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Director Paul Feig called Trump’s decision “disgraceful,” while noted Trump-basher and actor Rob Reiner called the president a “hateful human being.”

Below is a roundup of the rage Hollywood stars sent toward President Trump in the wake of his announcement.

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*(FROM THE RELIGION OF PEACE) – Calais migrants ‘hijack truck after attacking British driver with brick’

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A British truck driver was attacked and left for dead in Calais, northern France, when migrants hijacked his vehicle in a bid to enter the UK, it has been reported.


The incident comes as Human Rights Watch released a report condemning the “routine” abuse of asylum seekers by French police.

Hundreds of migrants have returned to the Calais area in recent months despite the demolition of the sprawling camp known as ‘the Jungle.’


With conflicts and instability still blighting the Middle East and Africa, and British authorities facing criticism for failing to offer asylum seekers safe and legal passage, the pull factors bringing migrants to the French coast have not changed.

According to the Road Haulage Association (RHA), the British driver had stopped on the A16 motorway outside Calais, near Marck, when he noticed migrants trying to climb into his truck.

When he exited the vehicle to inspect the damage, he was attacked by the group who hit him over the head with a brick, stole his truck and drove off towards the port in a bid to get into the UK.

Their attempt failed when the vehicle was stopped by police before reaching the port.

The RHA says the attack on the unnamed driver, who is now recovering in hospital with a serious head injury, “comes as a stark warning to UK-bound hauliers that migrants will stop at nothing to reach our shores.” 

“This latest method of hijacking is a new one and clearly shows that the desperation of migrants to get to the UK has reached new heights,” RHA chief executive Richard Burnett said.

Charlie Elphicke, Tory MP for Dover, said the “sickening attack” shows the extreme measures people will take to get into Britain.

“Whether it’s using small aircraft or using lorries, trafficking gangs are using even more disturbing tactics to smuggle migrants across the English Channel. That’s why we need a crackdown on these ruthless people traffickers and end their evil trade of modern slavery,” he told the Daily Express.

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In May, British truck drivers called for increased protection in Calais following the first serious attacks by migrants since the demolition of ‘the Jungle.’

A Polish driver was killed on one of the main approach roads to Calais last month after migrants reportedly dragged tree trunks ontop the A16 motorway in a bid to slow traffic and break into vehicles bound for Britain.

Migrants are not the only ones committing violence. The latest incident comes as Human Rights Watch released a report saying French police in Calais routinely abuse migrants and the authorities turn a blind eye in the hope they will leave the northern coast town.

The 40-page report, ‘Like Living In Hell,’ finds that police forces in Calais often use pepper spray on child and adult migrants while they are sleeping or in other situations where they pose no threat.

The report says police often confiscate sleeping bags, blankets and clothing, and have sometimes used pepper spray on migrants’ food and water to make it inedible.

“Such acts violate the prohibition on inhuman and degrading treatment as well as international standards on police conduct,” HRW said.

“Local and national authorities should immediately and unequivocally direct police to adhere to international standards on the use of force and to refrain from conduct that interferes with aid delivery.”

Regional prefect Fabien Sudry dismissed the report, saying the accusations were unfounded. Any use of force by police was done in a proportionate fashion, he told Reuters.

Aid agencies and government officials estimate there are now as many as 600 migrants in the northern port area.